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Part Six, Chapter 27

Chapter Summary

On the day fixed for the provincial marshal election, the Hall of Nobility fills with noblemen from across Russia. The crowd divides visibly into old and new factions, distinguished by their uniforms, though Levin observes that generational appearance does not map neatly onto party allegiance. Sergey Ivanovitch holds court among the reformist group, and Sviazhsky argues that their party should still invite the incumbent marshal Snetkov to stand—a tactical maneuver Levin cannot fathom.

Stepan Arkadyevitch arrives, well-fed and cheerful, and explains the electoral strategy to a baffled Levin in plain terms: by controlling how many districts nominate Snetkov, the opposition can force a ballot and manipulate the outcome. Before Levin can fully absorb this, a commotion erupts over the exclusion of a nobleman named Flerov, and the crowd surges toward the main hall where the leaders are in heated dispute.

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Original Text
The sixth day was fixed for the election of the marshal of the province. The rooms, large and small, were full of noblemen in all sorts of uniforms. Many had come only for that day. Men who had not seen each other for years, some from the Crimea, some from Petersburg, some from abroad, met in the rooms of the Hall of Nobility. There was much discussion around the governor’s table under the portrait of the Tsar. The nobles, both in the larger and the smaller rooms, grouped themselves in camps, and from their hostile and suspicious glances, from the silence that fell upon them when outsiders approached a group, and from the way that some, whispering together, retreated to the farther corridor, it was evident that each side had secrets from the other. In appearance the noblemen were sharply divided into two classes: the old and the new. The old were for the most part either in old uniforms of the nobility, buttoned up closely, with spurs and hats, or in their own special naval, cavalry, infantry, or official uniforms. The uniforms of the older men were embroidered in the old-fashioned way with epaulets on their shoulders; they were unmistakably tight and short in the waist, as though their wearers had grown out of them. The younger men wore the uniform of the nobility with long waists and broad shoulders, unbuttoned over white waistcoats, or uniforms with black collars and with the embroidered badges of justices of the peace. To the younger men belonged the court uniforms that here and there brightened up the crowd. But the division into young and old did not correspond with the division of parties. Some of the young men, as Levin observed, belonged to the old party; and some of the very oldest noblemen, on the contrary, were whispering with Sviazhsky, and were evidently ardent partisans of the new party. Levin stood in the smaller room, where they were smoking and taking light refreshments, close to his own friends, and listening to what they were saying, he conscientiously exerted all his intelligence trying to understand what was said. Sergey Ivanovitch was the center round which the others grouped themselves. He was listening at that moment to Sviazhsky and Hliustov, the marshal of another district, who belonged to their party. Hliustov would not agree to go with his district to ask Snetkov to stand, while Sviazhsky was persuading him to do so, and Sergey Ivanovitch was approving of the plan. Levin could not make out why the opposition was to ask the marshal to stand whom they wanted to supersede. Stepan Arkadyevitch, who had just been drinking and taking some lunch, came up to them in his uniform of a gentleman of the bedchamber, wiping his lips with a perfumed handkerchief of bordered batiste. “We are placing our forces,” he said, pulling out his whiskers, “Sergey Ivanovitch!” And listening to the conversation, he supported Sviazhsky’s contention. “One district’s enough, and Sviazhsky’s obviously of the opposition,” he said, words evidently intelligible to all except Levin. “Why, Kostya, you here too! I suppose you’re converted, eh?” he added, turning to Levin and drawing his arm through his. Levin would have been glad indeed to be converted, but could not make out what the point was, and retreating a few steps from the speakers, he explained to Stepan Arkadyevitch his inability to understand why the marshal of the province should be asked to stand. “O sancta simplicitas!” said Stepan Arkadyevitch, and briefly and clearly he explained it to Levin. If, as at previous elections, all the districts asked the marshal of the province to stand, then he would be elected without a ballot. That must not be. Now eight districts had agreed to call upon him: if two refused to do so, Snetkov might decline to stand at all; and then the old party might choose another of their party, which would throw them completely out in their reckoning. But if only one district, Sviazhsky’s, did not call upon him to stand, Snetkov would let himself be balloted for. They were even, some of them, going to vote for him, and purposely to let him get a good many votes, so that the enemy might be thrown off the scent, and when a candidate of the other side was put up, they too might give him some votes. Levin understood to some extent, but not fully, and would have put a few more questions, when suddenly everyone began talking and making a noise and they moved towards the big room. “What is it? eh? whom?” “No guarantee? whose? what?” “They won’t pass him?” “No guarantee?” “They won’t let Flerov in?” “Eh, because of the charge against him?” “Why, at this rate, they won’t admit anyone. It’s a swindle!” “The law!” Levin heard exclamations on all sides, and he moved into the big room together with the others, all hurrying somewhere and afraid of missing something. Squeezed by the crowding noblemen, he drew near the high table where the marshal of the province, Sviazhsky, and the other leaders were hotly disputing about something.
Source text: Project Gutenberg #1399. Public domain worldwide. Translated by Constance Garnett (1901)
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This chapter functions as Tolstoy's most sustained depiction of institutional politics as a theatre of confusion and managed deception. Levin's persistent incomprehension is not incidental; it is the chapter's central narrative device. By filtering the electoral proceedings through a consciousness that cannot decode them, Tolstoy exposes the gap between the performance of civic duty and its actual machinery. The reader, like Levin, is made to feel the opacity of a system that presents itself as transparent and representative.

The detailed description of uniforms operates as a sustained piece of social semiotics. The tight, outgrown coats of the older men and the broad-shouldered, unbuttoned jackets of the younger ones encode an entire history of generational conflict within fabric and cut. Yet Tolstoy immediately undercuts this visual shorthand by noting that party allegiance does not follow generational lines—a quiet warning against reading surfaces as truth, a theme that runs throughout the novel.

Stepan Arkadyevitch's explanation of the Snetkov strategy reveals the chapter's deepest irony: the democratic process is being engineered from within. Votes are to be cast not to express genuine preference but to mislead the opposition. The language Oblonsky uses—"throw them off the scent," placing "forces"—is the language of military deception, reinforcing the chapter's pervasive metaphor of political combat. His breezy mastery of these maneuvers, delivered while wiping his lips with a perfumed handkerchief, characterises him as a man perfectly at home in a world of surfaces and stratagems.

The Latin exclamation "O sancta simplicitas!" attributed to Oblonsky is richly double-edged. Historically associated with martyrdom and naive faith, it here becomes a patrician joke at Levin's expense—yet the novel consistently positions Levin's moral directness as a form of integrity that the politically sophisticated lack. His inability to understand why one should nominate a candidate one wishes to defeat is not stupidity but ethical literalism, a refusal of the performative dishonesty that politics requires.

The chapter closes with the eruption of noise over Flerov's exclusion, a moment of narrative acceleration that mimics the crowd's disorientation. The staccato exclamations—"No guarantee?" "It's a swindle!" "The law!"—reproduce the cacophony of collective outrage without resolving it, leaving both Levin and the reader suspended in uncertainty. This technique of unresolved commotion is characteristic of Tolstoy's method of rendering public life: loud, kinetic, and ultimately resistant to individual comprehension.

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